For more than half a century, pro-life activists have shown up by the tens of thousands on the national mall in Washington to argue for the sanctity of life. They were joined this time by a vice president who wasn’t yet born when Roe v. Wade came down in 1973. J.D. Vance was not the first VP to speak at the March. Mike Pence, President Trump’s first-term wingman, made regular appearances as a long-time ally of the pro-life movement.
Still, Vance’s appearance was a welcome surprise for an administration that was just sworn in. It was the newly minted vice president’s first public appearance after the inauguration, and he didn’t disappoint. Vance affirmed the rightness of the pro-life movement and, unlike so many Republican politicians who hold pro-lifers at arm’s length, identified personally with the marchers:
“Now, as you all know, the event theme this year is ‘Life: Why We March’ and there are obvious answers to the implicit question it poses. We march to protect the unborn; we march to proclaim and live out the sacred truth that every single child is a miracle and a gift from God.”
It was good to hear the Vice-President say this and to hear him make the moral case for the pro-life cause. He didn’t begin his speech with exceptions and caveats, but with the explanation that those of us who brave the cold every January are not doing this for any reason other than we see what God sees inside the womb – a human being worthy of life.
This is important. The vice presidency is not only an activist role, but also a platform for public teaching. By making the moral case for life, Vance can help bring along the many working class, unchurched members of the Republican coalition, helping to shape the conscience. Americans need their leaders not only to get things done, but also to use their bully pulpit to advocate for the common good.
Consider the moral rhetoric of Ronald Reagan, who once posed the question, “doesn’t the unborn child have a higher right, and that is to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness?” Or President Bush, who spoke often of “a culture of life.”
The shaping of the American moral conscience on abortion is an ongoing project, begun in earnest by 20th century Catholic thinkers and evangelical prophets such as Francis Schaeffer. And it must continue today, not only from thoughtful politicians, but also courageous Christians speaking the truth with compassion and love.
The vice president also connected, in an eloquent way, the cause of the unborn with the state of the American family. Vance, whose remarkable life story told in his bestselling book “Hillbilly Elegy” was the catalyst for his political career, spoke from the heart about the difficulties families in crisis face:
“Now, across my own lifetime, I can’t tell you the number of friends and other acquaintances I’ve had who, facing a pregnancy or the prospect of one, react not with joy but with concern. They wonder how can they afford it; what will it mean for their education, their career, their relationship or their family?”
He lauded the many pro-life ministries that do yeomen’s work in meeting people in crisis before speaking against the ideologies that have served as obstacles to family flourishing:
“But by and large, our society, our country has not yet stepped up in the way you have; and our government certainly has failed in that important responsibility. We failed a generation not only by permitting a culture of abortion on demand but also by neglecting to help young parents achieve the ingredients they need to [live] a happy and meaningful life. A culture of radical individualism took root, one where the responsibilities and joys of family life were seen as obstacles to overcome, not as personal fulfillment or personal blessings. Our society has failed to recognize the obligation that one generation has to another is a core part of living in a society to begin with.”
Vance promised an administration that would seek ways to ease the economic burdens families face in holding marriages and families together. As a Catholic, he understands that government has a limited role. It is the tight webs of community, particularly the Church, that most buoy family life. Still, his attempt to bring together both family values and the sanctity of life were refreshing in a political context that has often rent those two things asunder. And then he urged the marchers to carry themselves not with anger, but with gladness. “It is a joy and a blessing to fight for the unborn,” he declared.
Pro-lifers left the speech inspired, not only by the lofty rhetoric but by the many initial pro-life actions of a proven pro-life administration. And relieved that the questions about their vice president as a true ally were answered.
Related posts:
Surge in abortion restrictions bolsters 2020 March for Life 
ANALYSIS: Does Scripture address abortion? 
‘Unapologetically pro-life’: Southern Baptists’ rocky road to Roe’s reversal 
Producer defends ethics of Planned Parenthood videos 
FIRST-PERSON: What the Dobbs case means for pro-life Christians 
Life after Roe: responding to a historic Supreme Court decision 
FIRST-PERSON: Still coercive — China’s two-child policy 
Pregnancy care center workers ‘heroes of the pro-life movement’
